The July Declaration and Road to Reform-2025

The “July Declaration” was read out, which was read out to the people by the Chief Adviser, Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus-in front of the South Plaza of the National Parliament on 5 August 2025:

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July Declaration

Whereas, in continuation of the historical struggle against colonialism, the people of this land rose against the deprivation and exploitation inflicted by the authoritarian Pakistani regime, and established the state of Bangladesh through a bloody liberation war following the Declaration of Independence made on 26 March, 1971 for achieving freedom;
Whereas, the people of Bangladesh made utmost sacrifice through a long struggle to materialise a liberal democratic state in this land based on equality, human dignity and social justice as proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence;
Whereas, the post-independence Awami League government failed to materialise the people's aspirations because of the weaknesses in the procedures of drafting and in the structure of the constitution along with its inappropriate application;
Whereas, the post-independence Awami League government established constitutionally a one‑party government named BAKSAL in place of a democratic order, the much aspired goal of independence, and thereby took away the freedom of expression and of the judiciary, in reaction to which, on November 7, 1975, there was an uprising in the army ranks and file joined by common people, and later the way was laid for reintroducing multi‑party democracy, freedom of expression and of the judiciary in place of the BAKSAL system;
Whereas, in the 1980s, there was a long nine‑year relentless struggle against an autocratic military regime resulting in the mass uprising of 1990, and a parliamentary democratic system was reestablished in 1991;
Whereas, the democratic way of regime change was disrupted through domestic and external intrigues, thus laying the way in Bangladesh for the paramount power, domination and fascism of Sheikh Hasina through the conspiratorial arrangement of so‑called 1/11;
Whereas, illicit and undemocratic changes were made in the constitution, driven by extremely fierce desire to establish a one‑party state along with a fascist, undemocratic and anti‑people governance system during the last sixteen year long period;
Whereas, all state and constitutional institutions were destroyed by the last Awami League regime of Sheikh Hasina through governance malfeasance, abduction and murder, unlawful killings, suppression of freedom of speech and constitutional changes in the interest of the ruling party;
Whereas, during the rule of Sheikh Hasina, under her very leadership, an extreme force that was anti‑people, autocratic and against human rights turned Bangladesh into a fascist, mafia and failed state and thereby tarnished Bangladesh's international image;
Whereas, in the name of so‑called development, the fallen Awami League government under the fascist leadership of Sheikh Hasina jeopardised the immense economic prospects of Bangladesh through rampant corruption, looting of banks, fund transfers abroad by money laundering, and also pursued policies adversely affecting the environment, ecology and climate;
Whereas, all sections of the society including political parties, student and labour organisations, continuously became victims of imprisonment and torture, indictment and assault, murder by abduction and unlawful killings during almost last sixteen years because of their democratic opposition to Sheikh Hasina's fascist government;
Whereas, the Awami League government, loyal to external forces, applied brutal force to suppress people's rightful protests against foreign tutelage, exploitation and domination;
Whereas, the Awami League government held three farcical elections (the National Assembly elections of 2014, 2018 and 2024) in order to continue to cling to power illegally, thereby depriving the people of this country from exercising their right to vote and representation;
Whereas, during the regime of the Awami League, dissenting political workers and leaders, students, and the youth were subjected to brutal oppression, and extreme resentment was created among students, citizens and the job‑seekers because of wholesale partisanship and quota‑based discrimination in the government job appointments;
Whereas, public anger was generated for long due to extreme oppression against opposition political parties and organisations, and the people continued their anti‑fascist struggle in lawful ways;
Whereas, widespread suppression and coercion, and savage tyranny were applied by the Awami League government during the anti‑discrimination student movement launched to demand the abolition of the discriminatory quota system in the recruitment for government jobs and to protest against exploitation and corruption, and as a result, the tumultuous mass movement of students and people turned into an uprising;
Whereas, political parties along with religious, social, cultural, professional and labour organisations and people from all social strata joined the irrepressible uprising of students and people, and the Awami fascist forces indiscriminately killed nearly one thousand people including women and children, numerous people were crippled or lost eye sight, and the armed forces gave support to the movement at its final stage;
Whereas, people started a non‑cooperation campaign at the call of the anti‑discrimination student movement launched for bringing down the illegal government of Sheikh Hasina and for ushering in a new democratic arrangement in place of the fascist regime, and a long march to Dhaka took place on the 5th of August, and fascist Sheikh Hasina was forced to resign and flee from the country on August 5, 2024 in the face of the march towards Gonobhabon in the penultimate stage of the massive movement joined by all anti‑fascist forces including political parties, students, and people in general from all walks of life;
Whereas, the trust of the people in their sovereignty and in its application as expressed by the mass uprising for addressing the political and constitutional crisis in Bangladesh is justified, legitimate and internationally recognised;
Whereas, the illegitimate twelfth National Assembly was dissolved and an Interim Government was formed constitutionally under the leadership of Dr. Muhammad Yunus on August 8, 2024, under Article 106 of the constitution and in light of the opinion given by the Supreme Court;
Whereas, the desire for rebuilding the state and society free from fascism, inequality and corruption was expressed by the uprising of the students and people in general and by the strong anti‑fascist aspirations of every section of the people of Bangladesh;
Therefore, the people of Bangladesh express their desire for ensuring good governance and fair elections, rule of law and economic and social justice, and for introducing lawfully democratic reforms for all state and constitutional institutions;
Therefore, the people of Bangladesh expresses a strong desire to bring under trial crimes involving all kinds of oppression, violence and looting of state property and also crimes of enforced disappearance and murder, individual and mass killings, and crimes against humanity perpetrated by the fascist Awami League government during the sixteen‑year long anti‑fascist agitation … and during the July mass uprising of 2024;
Therefore, the people of Bangladesh express their desire to recognise the martyrs of the July uprising as national heroes and provide necessary legal protection to the students and people participating in the movement;
Therefore, the people of Bangladesh express their aspirations for establishing a society and a democratic state system that upholds rule of law and human rights and moral values, and is free from corruption and exploitation;
Therefore, the people of Bangladesh express their expectations to protect the rights of the present and the future generations through an environmental friendly, climate resilient, sustainable and inclusive development strategy;
Therefore, the people of Bangladesh express their desire that the student‑people uprising of 2024 will get proper state and constitutional recognition and that the July Declaration will feature in the schedule of the reformed constitution as framed by the government formed through the next national election;
This document of declaration is written to reflect the aspirations of the people of Bangladesh at the event of the victory in the mass uprising of August 5, 2024.

Political Parties

1. Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)

Played an active role in the discussions around the July Declaration.
Submitted its own draft proposals in early 2025.
Called for all anti-fascist political groups to unify under the Declaration.

2. Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh

Participated in meetings with the interim government.
Demanded justice for the July 2024 crackdown.
Supported the inclusion of the July Uprising in the new constitution.

3. Islami Andolan Bangladesh

Demanded a fully independent tribunal to investigate past abuses.
Participated in early street protests and civil resistance.

4. Left-Wing & Progressive Parties

Including:

Ganasamhati Andolan
Bam Oikya Front (Left Unity Front)
Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD)
Actively supported the student-led uprising.
Advocated for full constitutional reform and new electoral structure.
Pushed for social justice and economic equity in the Declaration.

People’s Movements and Citizen Platforms

5. Students Against Discrimination (SAD)

The original initiator of the July 2024 anti-quota protests.
Became the face of the broader July Uprising.
Played a central role in drafting and shaping the July Declaration.

6. Jatiya Nagorik Committee (National Citizens’ Committee)

A coalition of civil society figures, students, professionals.
Formed in September 2024 to coordinate demands for a new government.
Acted as a bridge between student movements and political parties.

7. National Citizens’ Forum

Helped mobilize professionals (lawyers, teachers, doctors).
Supported symbolic “Red Ribbon March” for justice and recognition of July martyrs.

Cultural & Social Activism

8. Inquilab Mancha

A cultural resistance platform born after the uprising.
Organized memorial events, art installations, and protest concerts.
Helped frame the narrative of the uprising in popular culture.

Political Parties’ Reactions to the July Declaration

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BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party)

Partial support: Initially expressed skepticism, fearing the Declaration might delay elections.
Formal engagement: On July 10, 2025, BNP submitted official feedback recommending the spirit of the Declaration be recognized in the Constitution via a separate schedule, rather than including the full text.
Position: Emphasized that only an elected government should enact reforms.

Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh

Full support: Endorsed the Declaration and called for its legalization via referendum or a Presidential Legal Framework Order (LFO).
Submitted their own constitutional reform proposals.

National Citizen Party (NCP)

Strongly supportive: Demanded the Declaration be enshrined as a "fundamental principle of state policy."
Advocated for banning the Awami League and prosecuting its top leaders under constitutional provisions.

Leftist & Progressive Parties

(Ganosamhati Andolan, JSD, Socialist Party, Gara Odhikar Parishad, Islami Andolan)

Participated in the National Consensus Commission (NCC).
Condemned political violence and urged inclusive reform, focusing on democratic transition.

Awami League

Strong opposition: Called the Declaration “undemocratic and illegitimate.”
Claimed it was a political tool used by student groups and opposition parties to dissolve democratic institutions.
Opposed the ban on their party and the threat of trials against their leadership.

Implementation Plan: How the July Declaration May Be Enforced

National Consensus Commission (NCC)

Formed in February 2025 to draft the “July National Charter.”
The Commission includes political parties, citizen platforms, and civil society leaders.
It consolidated findings from six reform sub-committees:

Constitution
Judiciary
Electoral system
Public administration
Police reform
Anti-corruption framework

Timeline & Legal Pathways

The Declaration outlines a 2-year reform timeline starting after the next elected government takes office.

Three legal mechanisms are under review:

Legal Framework Order (LFO) issued by the President
Parliamentary legislation post-2026 elections
Referendum – favored by some parties for public endorsement

Key Areas of Reform

Constitutional overhaul: Potential repeal or major revision of the 1972 Constitution
Electoral reforms: Considering proportional representation or neutral caretaker model
Judicial independence
Depoliticization of civil service and police
Creation of a robust anti-corruption body

Upcoming Election Outlook

The interim government has pledged free and fair elections by April 2026.

However, there is ongoing tension over:
The ban on the Awami League,
Risk of politically motivated trials,
Rising violence in places like Gopalganj, raising questions about stability.

Conclusion:

The July Declaration, proclaimed on August 5, 2025, represents a powerful and transformative moment in Bangladesh’s political history. Emerging from a mass movement led by students and joined by civil society, professionals, and opposition forces, the Declaration captures the collective desire to break away from authoritarian rule, political repression, and institutional decay.